Ritam Banati
They say politics is the art of the possible. Politics in Meghalaya strongly underlines the truth behind this age-old adage. This state has witnessed a rapid change of governments for over a decade now. Not only this, it has also seen four Chief Ministers in a short span of five years.
The permutations and combinations in the game of numbers in Meghalaya is not based on any political ideology. This easily ensures the possibility of any kind of political alliance system. Perhaps that was why one of its Chief Minister’s had at one point of time explored the strange feasibility of an all-party coalition in the state.
The volatility of the political system has only fuelled the insurgency problem in the state.
There are militant groups within the state fighting for secession. The first tribal outfit was the HALC (Hynniewtrep Achik Liberation Council). It comprised the Khasis and the Garos. It later split into two: HNLC (Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council) and ALMA (Achik Liberation Matgrik Army). The former was predominantly Khasi and the latter Garo. Later even ALMA broke into two – ANC (Achik National Council ) or PLF-M (People’s Liberation Front of Meghalaya) and ANVC (Achik National Volunteers’ Council).
The ANC wants a separate land for all the Garos of Meghalaya whereas the ANVC aims for a separate Garoland comprising the Garos of both Meghalaya as well as Assam.
Meghalaya is primarily a poor agrarian economy which has also suffered severely in industrial progress. Due to this, the growth here has not been up to the mark at all. The state has a miniscule percentage of literates. Lack of adequate educational and employment opportunities has lead to widespread migration of the Meghalaya tribes to other affluent parts of the nation.
Meghalaya is a good example of political instability causing a recession in the state’s development and vice versa. The problem of insurgency cannot be de-linked from political instability and lack of economic growth. Slow development trends owing to political shakiness has led to the disgruntlement of the tribal populace here.
It was to usher in growth that the Congress gave the green signal to the Uranium Corporation of India Ltd (UCIL) for the uranium mining project in Meghalaya. But this venture has become a bone of contention between political parties with most not being in favour of it. The argument that runs for it is that the state would reap huge benefits after the project’s implementation. On the other hand, the worry is about the immense damage that the radiation emitted in the process would cause.
The entry of the private sector was also to facilitate the state’s amelioration. The sealing of a deal with some private companies for six power projects by the government invited the wrath of some. Conspicuous among them was the Khasi Students Union (KSU) which termed it as a total sell-out. The project entails that private companies work in the state for 40 years even after its completion. Meghalaya Power Minister Mukul Sangma justified the government decision that it did not have adequate resources to implement the same independently.
Besides, the Congress had also been condemned when it had not stopped the state police from firing randomly at student protestors on Sept 30, 2005. Police had then spewed bullets at the Garo Students Union that was demonstrating against the shifting of the headquarters of Meghalaya Board of School Education from Tura to Shillong. The twin episodes occurred at the Garo-dominant Williamnagar and Tura districts. 7 students were killed in the process. The Congress-led government had then instituted judicial probes into the incident which revealed only administrative lapses.
Ex-Chief Minister Purno Agitok Sangma has promised a CBI investigation if voted to power. He has also circulated CDs depicting the plight of victims of the twin incidents allegedly without the consent of the bereaved families. NCP candidate from Tura constituency, comprising 24 seats of the 60 seat Assembly, P A Sangma has won Lok Sabha polls 9 times from here. Sangma said that one of the highlights of his campaign would be to expose factionalism and corruption in the present government.
The NCP had won 14 seats in the 2003 polls. And this time with Sangma contesting himself, the number is likely to rise further. Support lent by the Asom United Democratic Front has further boosted the poll prospects of the party. Its chief Badruddin Ajmal, a perfume baron is highly influential in the Muslim-dominant regions of Garo Hills.
The Nationalist Congress Party presents a tough fight to the Congress. It will not be surprising if either of the two or both of them determine the formation of the next political alliance in the state.
Other national parties including the CPI and the BJP here have been virtually of no real significance. In 2003 election, the BJP could manage to win only 3 seats.
History is replete with examples of strange political groupings here. There was a time when the Congress and the BJP joined forces to ensure government formation. The backing of the Independents has also not played a less important role. Several parties have united in the past to give birth to one coalition after another. For instance, the ruling Meghalaya Democratic Alliance (MDA) consists of the United Democratic Party (UDP), Meghalaya Democratic Party (MDP), Independents, Hill State People`s Democratic Party (HSPDP) and Khun Hynniewtrep National Awakening Movement (KHNAM).
Politics here is more unpredictable than in most states of the country, Switching of allegiance is the norm here. Ex-Chief Minister J D Rymbhai having joined the UDP after being denied a Congress ticket is just one example. And speculation is rife of a pre-poll alliance by regional parties.
Factionalism within Congress has been brought out to the open. There are instances of Congress leaders vying for tickets. The dissidence was revealed during a tussle for tickets by party contenders. To quote an example, Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council Chief Executive member H S Shylla is trying to negatively compete with Union Minister for Tribal Affairs P R Kyndiah. He has called 79-year-old Kyndiah a “spent force”. Kyndiah is striving to get a ticket for his son from the constituency which is being eyed by Shylla.
Taking all this into account, it becomes not only difficult but next to impossible to draw any conclusions.
It is apt here to quote ex-Chief Minister Dr Flinder Anderson Khonglam who had once stated, “I am a living example about politics being the art of possible. Anyone can become Chief Minister here.”
